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Rorke's Drift By Those Who Were There: Volume I

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Hanson, V. D. (2001). Why the West Has Won: Carnage and Culture from Salamis to Vietnam. London: Faber. p. 333. ISBN 978-0-571-20417-5.

The force was sufficient, in Chard's estimation, to fend off the Zulus. Chard posted the British soldiers around the perimeter, adding some of the more able patients, the 'casuals' and civilians, and those of the NNC who possessed firearms along the barricade. The rest of the NNC, armed only with spears, were posted outside the mealie bag and biscuit box barricade within the stone-walled cattle kraal. [18] Also, as mentioned, one member of Stevenson's 2nd/3rd NNC, Corporal William Anderson, was killed by British fire while fleeing the station just prior to the arrival of the Zulus. At the end of the fighting, 400 Zulus lay dead on the battlefield. Only 17 British were killed, but almost every man in the garrison had sustained some kind of wound. [16] In this classic work, Anglo-Zulu War experts Lee Stevenson, Alan Baynham-Jones and Ian Knight examine a wide range of personal testimonies from those present at Rorke’s Drift, while also presenting a clear overview of the battle in its entirety. By reading this account, readers will gain an impressive, unique breadth of knowledge about one of the most epic battles in British history. This updated edition includes even more first-person accounts from the combatants on both the British and Zulu sides. Yes you have beaten us; you had the best guns, but we have the best men . . . But we’ll fight again in two or three years’ time." – Prince Dabulamanzi kaMpande (who led the Zulu at Rorke’s Drift)Around 8:00a.m., another force appeared, and the defenders left their breakfast to man their positions again. However, the force turned out to be the vanguard of Lord Chelmsford's relief column. At about 4:00p.m., Surgeon James Reynolds, Otto Witt – the Swedish missionary who ran the mission at Rorke's Drift – and army chaplain Reverend George Smith came down from the Oscarberg hillside with the news that a body of Zulus was fording the river to the southeast and was "no more than five minutes away". At this point, Witt decided to depart the station, as his family lived in an isolated farmhouse about 30 kilometres (19mi) away, and he wanted to be with them. Witt's native servant, Umkwelnantaba, left with him; so too did one of the hospital patients, Lieutenant Thomas Purvis of the 1st/3rd NNC. The attitude of Garnett Wolseley shines through. He despised the two lieutenants, Chard and Bromhead, who lead the defence, writing about Chard after presenting him with his VC This is sheer class bias written about a man who'd recently organised the greatest defence of a place by the British army there's ever been. Chard was very modest, almost shy, and unassuming. His actions did the talking and his men admired him. The statistics I quoted were as a result of the point you raised about long service men. YOU stated “both battalions consisted of long term service men, meaning that it would have been well after Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift before newly trained recruits would have started to filter through to the ranks” (and Ian Knight does NOT say this, you have misinterpreted what he has written !). Do you not agree that the statistic of 75% of B Company having been trained at Brecon tends to disprove your statement ?

Henderson then followed his departing men. Upon witnessing the withdrawal of Henderson's NNH troop, Captain Stevenson's NNC company abandoned the cattle kraal and fled, greatly reducing the strength of the defending garrison. [28] Outraged that Stevenson and some of his colonial NCOs [29] had also fled from the barricades, a few British soldiers fired after them, killing Corporal William Anderson. Think of Rorke’s Drift, and what comes to mind? A brutal battle, singing Welshmen (as if war isn’t bad enough already) Redcoats and Michael Caine. The truth is a little different and this book covers the whole battle, in the words of those who were there (because they were there). The bottom line is this. The film made it appear that the 24th was Welsh, it was not, it also made it appear that the regiment contained more Welshmen than the few 'forigners from England', it did not, it gave the impression that the 24th was very much a Welsh regiment by singing 'Men of Harlech', which was not the regimental song of the 24th at the time, and this never happened anyway, it made it appear that most V.C's went to Welshmen, they did not, it did state that the regiment was called the SWB, even if it was Richard Burton saying it at the end of the film, the name of the regiment was given has being the SWB, which it was not.

Following the destruction of the1/24trh at Isandlwana replacements were hurried out from drafts appointed from no fewer then eleven line battalions of very mixed origins. The 24th's lasting associations with Wales TRULY DATE FROM a new wave of army reorganisation instituted in APRIL 1881 when the old regimental numbers were discontinued and new local titles allocated. (Source Ian Knight) Haggard, H. Rider; Kerr, C. H. M. (ill.) (1893). "The Tale of Isandhlwana and Rorke's Drift". In Lang (ed.). The true story book. London; New York: Longmans, Green. pp.132–152. At this point, we would do well to examine the personalities of those involved in Zulu's creation. John Prebble was a Scottish historian with over twenty books to his credit, his most famous works being Culloden (1964) and The Highland Clearances (1963). Prebble's leftist political leanings are made quite clear in his own autobiography: "The passion we felt made me, like others, members of the British Communist Party" (Prebble, 1993: 14). In The Highland Clearances, Prebble sheds more light on his own particular leftist ideological philosophy, clearly influenced by English imperialism in his beloved Scotland (Prebble, 1969: 323). Nice to see some ‘new’ photographs that I had not seen before, but there was one photograph that I had seen before, which in my opinion is incorrectly identified. That is the photograph identified as Prince Dabulamanzi kaMpande listed as No. 34. The photograph has previously appeared in Ian Knight’s Nothing Remains But to Fight. As some of the forum might be aware I have something of a close affinity with the descendant family of Prince Dabulamanzi. I vividly recall showing my late, great friend Prince V. A. Shange the photograph in Nothing Remains But to Fight, and his response he refuted it then with the words “That is not my grandfather! That is my Great Uncle his half-brother, Prince Ndabuko.”

Swedish power metal band Sabaton wrote the song "Rorke's Drift" about the battle for their 2016 album The Last Stand. [62] The solitaire tabletop war-game Zulus on the Ramparts!: The Battle of Rorke's Drift, 22–23 January 1879 is based on the event. [63] See also [ edit ] You state above: “both battalions consisted of long term service men, meaning that it would have been well after Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift before newly trained recruits would have started to filter through to the ranks” . What is your source for this, Martin ? The events surrounding the assault on Rorke's Drift were first dramatised by military painters, notably Elizabeth Butler (in The Defence of Rorke's Drift (1880)) and Alphonse de Neuville (also titled The Defence of Rorke's Drift (1880)). Their work was vastly popular in their day among the citizens of the British empire. Whilst I respect the opinion of forum members, with all due respect to you all, I continue to prefer the objective, educated and unbiased research and opinions of Norman Holme.Some time around noon on 22 January, Major Spalding left the station for Helpmekaar to ascertain the whereabouts of Rainforth's G Company, which was now overdue. He left Chard in temporary command. Chard rode down to the drift itself where the engineers' camp was located. Soon thereafter, two survivors from Isandlwana – Lieutenant Gert Adendorff of the 1st/3rd NNC and a trooper from the Natal Carbineers – arrived bearing the news of the defeat and that a part of the Zulu impi was approaching the station. By the time the Undi Corps reached Rorke's Drift at 4:30p.m., they had fast-marched some 20 miles (32km) from the morning encampment they had left at around 8 a.m., then to spend some 11.5 hours continuously storming the British fortifications at Rorke's Drift.

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